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Cover of 'Social media'

Social media

Dygest Original

The experiment still in progress

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Description

Social media is barely older than the people who grew up on it. SixDegrees launched in 1997, Facebook in 2004, Twitter in 2006, Instagram in 2010, TikTok in its current form in 2018. In under three decades, a category that did not exist became the daily backdrop of roughly five billion lives. Television took thirty years to reach the saturation Facebook reached in seven, and television did not also reorganize friendships, journalism, and adolescent identity. The technology arrived faster than the vocabulary needed to talk about it.

The conversation feels stuck partly because the object keeps changing. The Facebook of 2008, organized around a chronological feed of posts from people you knew, has almost nothing in common with the TikTok of 2024, organized around an algorithmic feed of strangers selected by inferred preferences. Calling both social media is technically correct and analytically useless. To decode what these platforms are doing requires looking at them as a sequence of design experiments, each of which produced something different from what its designers expected.

What we have, then, is a technology deployed at planetary scale before anyone understood what it would do. The research is younger than the platforms, the regulation is younger than the research, and the platforms change faster than either. Social media is an experiment still in progress, with several billion participants and no control group. This piece walks through how we got here, what the evidence shows, and what is being decided about how the experiment continues.

The question we're asking: what did social media become, why did it take that shape, and what do we actually know about the consequences?

What we'll see: the design lineage, the business model, the research, and the regulatory turn.

Table of contents

01

From SixDegrees to the algorithmic feed

The earliest social networking sites were closer in spirit to the address book than to the broadcast tower. SixDegrees, launched in 1997 by Andrew Weinreich, let users build a list of friends and traverse connections up to three degrees out. It shut down in 2000, having never figured out how to make money. Friendster followed in 2002, MySpace in 2003, LinkedIn the same year. The pattern was the same: users built profiles, connected to people they knew, and consumed what their friends posted. Discovery was social, not algorithmic.

Facebook, opened to college students in 2004 and to the public in 2006, looked like a cleaner version of the same idea. The decisive shift came in September 2006 with the News Feed. Until then, seeing what friends had posted required visiting their profiles individually. The News Feed aggregated everything into a single reverse-chronological stream. The reaction was immediate and negative hundreds of thousands of users joined protest groups within days. Facebook held the line, the protests faded, and the feed became the dominant interface paradigm for the next decade.

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02

The advertising business model and the engagement objective

The shape of social media is inseparable from how it makes money. The early platforms experimented with several models subscriptions, virtual goods, banner ads before settling on targeted advertising. Facebook's revenue grew from essentially zero in 2004 to over a hundred and thirty billion dollars by 2023, almost entirely from ads. YouTube followed a similar path. Twitter and Snap built ad-funded businesses, less profitably. TikTok, owned by ByteDance, runs the same model with the same logic. The product these platforms sell is access to user attention, segmented finely enough that advertisers will pay a premium for it.

The technical consequence of the advertising model is that platforms optimize aggressively for what they call engagement time spent, sessions per day, content consumed, ads viewed. This is stated plainly in earnings calls and product documentation. The objective function is reasonable from a business standpoint and difficult from almost every other one. Engagement is a proxy for value, and a noisy one. Content that holds attention is not always content that informs or improves. Outrage holds attention. Anxious comparison holds attention. Optimizing for engagement means amplifying whatever incidentally produces it.

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03

What the research actually says

The public conversation about social media's effects on mental health has run ahead of the evidence and then occasionally circled back to it. Jean Twenge's 2017 book iGen and Jonathan Haidt's 2024 book The Anxious Generation argued that the rise of smartphones and social media after 2010 caused a measurable deterioration in adolescent mental health, especially among girls. The empirical hooks were real: rates of self-reported depression, anxiety, self-harm, and suicide among teenagers rose substantially in the United States, the United Kingdom, and several other wealthy countries starting around 2012. The timing aligned with smartphone saturation and the algorithmic turn. The correlation is robust across multiple datasets.

The disagreement is about what the correlation means. Critics including Candice Odgers and Andrew Przybylski argued that effect sizes in individual-level studies are small, that meta-analyses show only weak associations between screen time and well-being, and that confounding variables — academic pressure, economic anxiety, the aftermath of the 2008 recession could account for much of the trend. Haidt's response was that individual-level studies miss collective-level effects: a phone is harmful not only because of what one teenager does on it but because of what an entire peer group does, which reshapes the environment all of them inhabit. Whether this is defensible methodology or post-hoc rescue is genuinely contested.

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04

The regulatory turn

For most of social media's history, the platforms operated under a legal regime designed for a different kind of internet. In the United States, Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, passed in 1996, established that online platforms were not liable for content posted by their users and could moderate that content without becoming legally responsible for it. The law was written for early bulletin boards. It became the foundation on which Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter built businesses orders of magnitude larger than its drafters imagined. The argument for keeping it is that without it, no platform could host user content at scale. The argument for revising it is that the platforms doing so today bear little resemblance to what the statute envisioned.

The European Union moved first toward substantial regulation. The Digital Services Act, which took full effect in 2024, imposes obligations on large platforms around content moderation transparency, risk assessment, advertising disclosure, and access for vetted researchers. Very large online platforms, defined as those with more than forty-five million users in the EU, face additional duties around systemic risk. The Digital Markets Act addresses competition concerns by restricting how platforms favor their own services. Whether this framework will work as intended is unclear. Whether it represents a meaningful break with the previous regulatory posture is not.

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05

Conclusion

Social media is not one thing, and that is part of why it has been hard to talk about clearly. It is a set of design choices made under commercial pressure, refined by feedback loops the designers did not fully anticipate, deployed to a population larger than any prior medium had reached. The early platforms genuinely did connect people who had been out of touch. The current platforms genuinely do produce some of the harms their critics describe. Both can be true, and separating which effects come from which design decisions is the work the field is doing now.

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